Carl Bildt is being touted as Europe’s foreign minister, a job that requires tact and negotiation skills. Presumably being an accessory to ethnic cleansing would count against a candidate for this top job.
Yes, we all know Bildt made peace in the ravaged Balkans. But we are talking about Sudan, where Bildt was board member of Lundin, Sweden’s largest independent oil company, which developed an oil field there and facilitated the displacement and murder of thousands of southern Sudanese in the process.
None of this is secret. There are several reports, from Amnesty, Human Rights Watch, Christian Aid, as well as reports from UN rapporteurs, testifying to the massive displacements of villagers cleared by government forces in 2000 so that Lundin could build a road between the pipeline head and its drilling site. They are available on the web: just type in Sudan and oil and the name of the NGO.
While the displacements were happening, Lundin was shtum, not replying to letters or faxes about the goings on. Then, in September, after an NGO spotter plane reported flying over the deserted landscape of what was named Block 5B, an area the size of Belgium, military trucks trundling up and down the oil road the only sign of life, Lundin finally responded to a letter from Human Rights Watch that their security staff had not witnessed any displacements and so they disagreed with observers’ allegations that displacements were taking place. A few months later, when Christian Aid, which wrote the most vociferous report, detailing people being bombed out of their homes by helicopter gunships, turned up in Sweden, there was a brief scandal. Bildt was wheeled in front of the media. He denied any forced displacements had taken place, said Lundin had and would comply with Amnesty rules.
Which more of less backed the point the NGOs were making, most cogently put by Amnesty which wrote:
“By turning a blind eye, in the name of security, to the violations committed by government forces and troops allied to them, [the oil companies] indirectly contribute to violations continuing. The silence of powerful oil companies in the face of injustice and human rights violations cannot be seen as neutral.”
Nevertheless, he was a private person, slipped away, the story died, and Lundin continued its developments – with increasing difficulty, as rebel movements of the displaced peoples fought back. It eventually pulled out in 2003; thousands of deaths later.
Bildt has since refused to talk about this adventurous period in his life, between his Balkans peacemaker post and his accession as Swedish foreign minister in September, a period of association with Lundin that has made him rich through selling its shares, the richest politician in Sweden.
But silence on Sudan won’t do if he goes for the foreign minister’s post, when he would surely have to answer some questions. What did he know about the cleansings and when did he know it. There was ample prior information. He could have presented a better development plan for Lundin, that avoided mass killings What is his response to those NGOs who said they contacted Lundin while the clearings were taking place and received no answer? And when it was absolutely crystal clear that he was in a position to know, when interviewed in front of the Swedish public, why Lundin, why did they still not do anything to improve the human rights situation? Perhaps it is because he still denied – still denies - it ever happened. In which case he could usefully be confronted by some survivors. Here is an eyewitness story, from a displaced child, who lived beyond the area of initial displacment, in 2000, but who was caught up in second wave of clearings in 2002 not far from the Lundin road.
“Dak Yiey is about eight years old. Until mid February 2002 Dak, lived in a small village near Nhialdiu in Rubkona County of Western Upper Nile in southern Sudan. In mid February the forces of the Sudanese government attacked his village. They came first with Antonov bombers - something they had done for the previous few days, but then they came with two helicopter gunships, and many soldiers on horseback, and ground troops. The horse soldiers rode two to a horse - one riding the horse, the other shooting from behind with his gun.
Dak Yiey and his cousin Pouk Deng - also about eight years old - were frightened by the bombers but terrified by the gunships and horsemen. They had never witnessed this type of attack before. When they came to his village, set on the wide open spaces of Western Upper Nile, he and Pouk, like everyone else in the village, ran for their lives. The two of them ran towards the grassy swamps at the edge of the village - the only place which enables them to hide and not be seen and which is
difficult for the horsemen to enter. Dak was in front and Pouk was just behind as they sprinted for cover. The gunships were coming behind them sweeping over the village shooting at anything that moved. The gunships flew low over them firing as they went past. Dak reached the swamp but unfortunately Pouk Deng was shot - in the head - and killed.
After the attack and when the soldiers had gone - having burnt down his village - Dak, his family and other survivors, all traumatised by the attack, fled quickly and almost empty handed westwards, crossing many rivers and swamps until they reached a place they felt would be safe. They feel safer
between the streams, because the horse soldiers cannot cross so quickly and attack them. However they have no protection from the gunships or Antonovs should they come again. It took them days to reach this place, and Dak now lives with many thousands of other displaced people in the south west part of Western Upper Nile. All these people from all the villages around Nhialdiu have gone
west and crossed the streams to hide where they feel safer. Dak, like the others, doesn't know if he will ever be able to return to his home. For now he is too afraid - he still has nightmares and misses his cousin.”
This testimony was recorded a year after Bildt said Lundin would be living up to all Amnesty requirements.