
I have been researching a story on Tabitha Shokaya, the health minister of Sudan, for months now. It’s for the New Scientist; the attraction for them is that she is a female science graduate in a war zone, in the country with the world’s greatest humanitarian crisis. A health minister of a government accused of committing genocide (by the US house of representatives): I phoned the snarky Sudanese embassy, who said I should write a letter via them, then they might get back. Another phone call and I got the health ministry in Sudan’s phone number: got through to a guy – assistant, smart-sounding, English-speaking - who could get me through to Her Excellency, gave me his email, weeks went past, another phone call got his phone number, which was the wrong number. Finally I called a British journalist, Peter Moszynski, whom I had met at a British Medical Association garden party in the summer, who told me he had adopted one of the Lost Boy war orphans (children make very good fighters, and they can be drugged) , brought him to London, made him into a rap star (long story), Africa’s greatest, and the now millionaire young man had turned on Peter and sued and impoverished him for taking him out of his natural environment – ie a refugee camp where owning a plastic receptacle that can be hired out to the highest bidder counts as being a rich person.
After telling me this story, Moszynski had recommended me Shokaya; I was looking for someone to profile in Africa, and he told me of this woman of contrasts in the Sudanese government, facing enormous chalenges; he now gave me the phone number of a man called Suleiman Rahel, an exile politician, who in turn gave me Shokaya’s number.
The war in Darfur, western Sudan, is usually thought of – by the common public – as one happening between two, rather monolithic, forces: the rebels of Darfur, and the "Muslim" Government of Sudan.
What is seldom discussed is that the Government of Sudan is a coalition with the SPLM, the Southern Sudan people’s liberation movement, who clinched a very generous peace deal last year, after decades of fighting the north. They are “black”, “Christian” and have the right to secede from the rest of rest of Sudan on 2011, subject to a referendum, bringing more than their fair share of oil wealth with them. Sudan is now Africa’s third biggest oil exporter. (Carl Bildt stuck his filthy nose in, blog passim). Until then they have 9 out of 27 seats in the national coalition government in Khartoum. What role have they been playing in the government’s decisions – a government in which their membership often seems to be forgotten?
According to inside sources, they lie low, and don’t care very much for the plight of the Darfurians. They say: “They are all Muslim anyway (like Khartoum) and what did they do for us when we were fighting as rebels were fighting the government?” And they rather enjoy the discomforts that their coalition partners and erstwhile opponents, the National Congress Party, have with the international community.
Yet, my source reveals, this attitude is becoming increasingly noticed in the ministries of the west – including Britain’s ministry for Africa, the department for international development – and disliked. The SPLM were supposed to be the good guys; they wanted a united, secular democratic Sudan; and they if anyone ought to show grace towards a rebel movement with similar aspirations to their own – the aspiration of their community to achieve equal footing with Khartoum.
Yet, now that they have the oil guarantee they are just waiting for the secession deadline.
Furthermore, they don’t seem to be running their own part of the country that well.
Forty percent of the Government of southern Sudan’s budget – subordinate to the joint SPLM-NCP Khartoum government under the federal system – is spent on security. How much is spent on health? According to NGOs I spoke to, Southern Sudan has some of the worst health indicators in the world, obscured by pan-Sudan statistics. In parts of eastern Sudan, the maternal mortality rate is one-third. The AIDS rate is soaring because of the newly-open borders with Uganda, rapes from the war, and widespread denial and low condom use. Malnutrition rates at 20 percent are extremely high. NGOs, which feed the south, are hamstrung by bureaucracy and failure to have their security guaranteed, so many have pulled out./ New legislation has just been passed – which the SPLM didn’t stop – that allows the sequestration of NGOs’ assets, some thanks you might think. Failure to communicate between the different layers of bureaucracy means NGOs who received the green light from Khartoum need re-authorisations to operate at state level. There are too many chiefs and not enough Indians – too many specialists and not enough barefoot doctors. A large part of the medical corps are working in London anyway. Food aid now has to be rerouted through Khartoum rather than the more convenient Kenya.
It seems to me Tabitha Shokaya, whom I am re-interviewing tomorrow, should reverse the poor impression of the SPLM by showing she is actually doing a good job, both on behalf of her region and the Sudan over which she is, after all, federal health minister.
This means presenting a plan for tackling the cascade of health problems just mentioned; dealing with the security situation in Darfur that prevents aid getting through. Then – persuading her boss, president Omar al-Bashir, to devote more of the oil largesse to health - which even in northern Sudan is poor. These things, will I am told, restore the somewhat battered reputation of the SPLM in the West.